出版时间：2005-11 出版社：北京大学出版社 作者：Robert J. Art,Robert Jervis 页数：594
The first edition of International Politics appeared in 1973. Since then, the field of international relations has experienced a dramatic enrichment in the subjects studied and the quality of works published. Political economy came into its own as an important subfield in the 1970s. New and important works in the field of security studies appeared. The literature on cooperation among states flourished in the early 1980s, and important studies about the environment began to appear in the mid-1980s. Feminist, postmodernist, and constructivist critiques of the mainstream made their appearance also. With the end of the Cold War, these new issues came to the fore: human rights, the tension between state sovereignty and the obligations of the international community, the global environment, civil wars, failed states, and nation-building. The growing diversity of the field has closely mirrored the actual developments in international relations.As for the previous editions, in fashioning the seventh, we have kept in mind both the new developments in world politics and the literature that has accompanied them. Central to this edition, though, as for the other six, is our belief that the realm of international politics differs fundamentally from that of domestic politics. Therefore, we have continued to put both the developments and the literature in the context of the patterns that still remain valid for understanding the differences between politics in an anarchic environment and politics that takes place under a government. The theme for this edition continues to revolve around enduring concepts and contemporary issues in world politics.The seventh edition retains the four major subdivisions of the sixth edition. We have left Part One as it appears in the sixth edition, but have added new selections by Hans J. Morgenthau, John J. Mearsheimer, and Robert O. Keohane. Part Two retains the first two subsections of the sixth edition, but with two new selections by Robert Art and Robert Pape. In addition, a new subsection on the spread of nuclear weapons has been added with articles by Scott Sagan and Kenneth Waltz. We have consolidated the discussion of globalization in Part Three, and added two new selections by Jeffrey Frankel and William Finnegan. Finally, in Part Four, we have added two new subsections—one on the uses of American power; the other on failed states, civil war, and nation-building—and added eleven new selections by Jessica Stern, Robert Jervis, John Ikenberry, Charles Krauthammer, Joseph Nye, Robert Rotberg, Paul Collier, James Dobbins, Thomas Schelling, Mouse's Nairn, and Jack Rakove.
Detalled ContentsPrefacePART 1 ANARCHY AND LTS CONSEQUENCESPower and priciple in StatecraftThe Consequences of AnarchyThe Mitlgation of AnarchyPART 2 THE USES OF FORCE The Political of ForceThe Polltiacl Utillty of Force TodayThe Sprdad of Nuclear WeaponsPART 3 THE LNTERNATLONAL POLLTICALPOLITICAL ECONOMYPerspectives on Political EconomyInterdependence and GlobballazationThe Pros and Cons of GlobalzationPART 4 CONTEMPORARY WORLD POSITICSConfict,War,and TerrorismThe Uses of American PowerFalled States,Civll Wars,and Nation-BuildingThe Environment and Climate ChangeNew Actors and New Forces
1 Anarchy and Its consequencesunlike domestic politics, international politics takes place in an arena that has no central governing body. From this central fact flow important consequences for the behavior of states. In Part One, we explore three of them: the role that principles and morality can and should play in statecraft; the effects that anarchy has on how states view and relate to one another; and the ways that the harsher edges of anarchy can be mitigated, even if not wholly removed.POWER AND PRINCIPLE IN STATECRAFTCitizens, students, and scholars alike often take up the study of international politics because they want their country to behave in as principled a way as possible. But they soon discover that principle and power, morality and statecraft do not easily mix. Why should this be? Is it inevitable? Can and should states seek to do good in the world? Will they endanger themselves and harm others if they try?These are timeless questions, having been asked by observers of international politics in nearly every previous era. They therefore make a good starting point for thinking about the nature of international politics and the choices states face in our era. Hans J. Morgenthau, one of the leading proponents of the approach known as Realism (also known as power politics), takes the classic Realist position: universal standards of morality cannot be an invariable guide to statecraft because there is an "ineluctable tension between the moral command and the requirements of successful political action." Rather than base statecraft on morality, Morgenthau argues that state actors must think and act in terms of power and must do whatever it takes to defend the national interests of their state. J. Ann Tickner, commenting on the primacy of power in Morgenthau's writings, explains that what he considers to be a realistic description of international politics is only a picture of the past and therefore not a prediction about the future, and proposes what she considers to be a feminist alternative. A world in which state actors think of power in terms of collective empowerment, not in terms of leverage over one another, could produce more cooperative outcomes and pose fewer conflicts between the dictates of morality and the power of self-interest.